October 21, 1865

Macomb Eagle

HISTORY OF THE 84TH REGI-
MENT ILL. VOLS.

BY L. A. SIMMONS.

[CONTINUED.]

            We have dwelt at considerable length upon the general features of this marvelously terrific battle, and now we would briefly call attention to the part our noble regiment took in the dreadfully sanguinary conflict.

On Saturday they were upon the skirmish line when the reconnaissance was made by the 3d brigade, as already mentioned. From this dangerous position they came back in fine order, and it was not until Palmer’s division was moved to the left that they were brought into action. From this time until dark they were in the thickest of the fight, and lost heavily. During the night they were moved still further to the right; and at daylight on Sunday morning were nearly in the center of Thomas’ corps. It was here that Col. Waters made the first start toward building breastworks, and within an hour our regiment had brought together such a mass of logs, rails and rocks that they had ample protection from the severest musketry that could have been brought to bear upon them. Only an hour or so after completing this work were the men who had built it permitted to occupy it. The third brigade was ordered to the extreme left; and while moving by the flank to gain this position were brought under a heavy fire from the concealed enemy. Soon the fire became so terribly severe that the brigade was ordered to retreat, and in so doing passed through a dense undergrowth – in some places a perfect thicket; and being hurled back in confusion our regiment, as well as most others of the brigade, was considerably scattered. The thickets and ravines broke it into three pieces, which were separated during the remainder of the day. Perhaps half the regiment kept their eyes upon the Colonel, and rallied the moment he considered it practicable and ordered them to form in line. – More than two whole companies were collected by Captain Ervin, who succeeded in bringing them to the main body of the brigade; and a third portion from the right of the regiment, unable to find where the remainder of the regiment had gone, were formed in line and commanded by Capt. Higgins, who had been able to hold his company together during the retreat. But although separated, no part of the regiment remained idle until after the sun had set. Colonel Waters not only had a part of the regiment, but collected hundreds of men who were lost from their commands, and with this force, sometimes amounting to almost a brigade, was constantly employed, and did some terribly hard fighting. Capt. Erwin’s small battalion was likewise increased rather than diminished, and held position after position with such indomitable pertinacity, that the Brigade commander could not refrain from giving him a well merited compliment in his report of the battle. This portion of the regiment justly deserves the credit of holding the enemy in check longer than any part of the division with which they were fighting; and it cannot be disputed that they were the last to leave the field when the brigade was ordered back to the foot of Missionary Ridge late in the evening. Nor was Capt. Higgins with his section of the regiment less busily employed. For a time he attached his command to the 15th Kentucky Vols., and when this regiment was scattered like sparks from the blacksmith’s anvil by one of those frenzied charges so frequently made during this bloody contest, he rallied his companies a short distance to the rear, and with them so many others from a score of shattered regiments that he had more than a full sized regiment with which to help in resisting the heavily surging waves of troops, that time and again dashed upon our lines during this day of fearful carnage and slaughter. At night the regiment was again united, and strange to say, each portion was surprised to find that the others had not been wholly taken prisoners. It was at this time impossible to ascertain what our loss had been during the day, and not until the army had fallen back, and commenced fortifying Chattanooga could a reliable report of the killed, wounded and missing be made out. The writer, during the week succeeding the battle, was able to sum up the loss as follows:

Killed upon the field,………………………..12
Severely wounded,…………………………..85
Missing,………………………………….………10
Total,………………………………………..…..107

Besides the wounded above named there were at least fifty who were so slightly wounded that they refused to go to hospital, and the most of them were very unwilling that their names should appear upon the list of wounded sent home for publication, realizing the anxiety it would occasion their friends and kindred. Many of our severely wounded had been necessarily left in the hands of the enemy, and a few we were certain had been taken prisoners. Lieut. Col. Morton, at the time on duty on Gen. Palmer’s staff, was missing and his fate unknown until weeks afterward had was heard from, an inmate of Libby Prison. – Our loss as a regiment had again been severe, though not as fearful as we had met with at Stone River; many of our bravest men had gone down amid the furious din of battle and breathed out their noble lives upon the bloody field, while the leaden rain and iron hail was sweeping down the hosts that were charging over them; many had been so seriously wounded that there was scarcely ground for hope of their recovery, or if they did survive, that they would ever again be able to fill their places in our thinned and now twice decimated ranks. Capt. Adams, a man of the most unflinching integrity and sterling worth, of purest morals and most inflexible courage, whose previous life had been resplendent with many virtues, and who was respected, admired and beloved by the whole regiment, had been shot through the body on the first day, and died ere the battle was renewed on Sunday morning, after suffering the most excruciating agony. The fall of many noble ones had [?] the regiment, but none was more generally or sincerely lamented than Capt. Adams. For the loss of many noble comrades were we called to mourn, but we cannot at the time particularize. This chapter is already much too long. We cannot close it without mentioning the fact that at the close of this great battle we had the pleasure of meeting with the 78th Reg. Ill. Vols., which we had not seen since we left Lousiville, Ky., nearly a year before. They had escaped the carnage and slaughter of Stone River, and though brought into the fight at Chickamauga at a late hour, they had fought with a valor and courage which reflected honor upon themselves and our State; and had suffered, perhaps, quite as severely as many regiments who took part in the whole engagement. But we cannot dwell upon their fighting or [?] losses, suffice it to say that we were happy to meet them again, and glad to find them attached to the noble army that had not met severest losses, and overmatched, had been forced to retire from the gloomy valley of Dead Man’s river; but which, though sadly weakened in numbers was yet unbroken in spirit, undaunted by the superior force arrayed against it, and was now determined to hold their position on the south side of the Tennessee river, or suffer annihilation in the attempt.

CHAPTER IX.

The Siege of Chattanooga.

They army of the Cumberland, we have seen in the foregoing chapter, after being overwhelmed by a vastly superior force, had retired to a line of defense in front of Chattanooga, while the enemy had taken a position directly in front, extending his line from the Tennessee river, above the city along Missionary Ridge nearly to Rossville, thence westward across the Chattanooga Valley to the river at the foot of Lookout Mountain. By falling back to a line across the bend of the Tennessee river in which Chattanooga is situated, our lines were so much contracted that they were fully able to cope with extended lines of the enemy. For more than a week after taking these positions our army was almost incessantly employed in throwing up a strong line of fortifications. Night and day the work went on, and by the 27th of September the utmost confidence was expressed that we could hold the city against any force Gen. Bragg might bring against it. In fact the feeling throughout the army, if expressed in a wish, would have been for the enemy to attach us immediately. But though he coveted the position of so vast strategic importance it had been clearly demonstrated on the bloody field of Chickamauga, that he would meet with fierce and determined resistance should he attempt to retake it; that he would rush his army into a desperate encounter, involving immense slaughter, and perhaps ultimate destruction, if he attempted to charge our works and take it by assault. Hence he took a strong position on Missionary Ridge, and having planted heavy batteries upon the side and summit of Lookout Mountain, attempted to harass our forces in their works, while his whole cavalry force was sent to cut off our supplies.

The city of Chattanooga at the beginning of the war probably contained nearly three thousand inhabitants, at least one sixth of whom were employed at its depots, and upon the railroads centering here from the East, West, North and South. It was simply a great railroad center, situated in a deep valley between the hills that come boldly up to the bank of the river. Most of the business houses were upon Main street, which runs nearly south from the steamboat landing to the depots in the south end of the town. Directly west of it is a high, steep eminence, known as Prospect Hill, and to the eastward successive ridges for nearly a mile, then a broad valley, separating them from Missionary Ridge. In a south and south easterly direction from the town, the country is level for several miles. It was a place of considerable business, for the railroads from the East and South centered here, at the only point deemed practicable to attempt to build a railroad across the Cumberland Mountains. Its depots and warehouses were large and commodious, and shortly after the war commenced it became one of the great military depots of the South; a point at which vast stores of arms and ammunition, as well as quartermasters and commissary stores were accumulated. Having from this place direct railroad communication with the Cumberland river at Nashville, with the Tennessee river at Decatur below Muscle Shoals, with the whole of Georgia and the Carolinas via Atlanta, and Virginia via Knoxville and Bull’s Gap, it was perhaps the best point in the whole South, at which to collect the vast stores required by great armies, and hold them in readiness till they should be needed in almost any direction. It was, in brief, not only their great central military depot, but being situated nearly half way from the rebel seat of government to the Mississippi, on one of the principal thoroughfares, at the gate or pass in the Cumberland range, it became a place of incalculable military importance. It had been Gen. Bragg’s base of supplies during the winter of 1862 and 863, and until he was forced from it by the great flank movement, terminated by the battle of Chickamauga.

After the battle of Stone River, and during the Summer campaign of 1863, the sick and wounded of the rebel army were sent here, and seven hospital buildings were erected under the direction of Gen. Bragg for their accommodation. That their mortality was very large was evidenced by the extensive cemetery toward the eastern part of the city, where we noticed several hundred new made graves with wooden head boards, containing only a number, or occasionally the initials of the name of the unfortunate soldier. When the place fell into our possession there were probably less than a thousand inhabitants remaining, for many had left the moment it was known that the rebel army was forced to evacuate. Most of the dwelling houses were deserted and nearly all the business houses closed, their contents having been removed. The place had suffered severely while Bragg was occupying it, and when he found himself forced to give it up; but this was trifling beside the usage it received when occupied by our forces, and besieged by the army lately driven from it, and since strongly reinforced.

After the work on the fortifications had been most vigorously prosecuted for about a week, the excessive labor was relaxed. Only about one third of the men were detailed daily for this duty, and some opportunity was given for rest, now imperatively required after so many days and nights incessant activity. Now all the [?] of the army were discussed, thousands of incidents upon the battlefield were related, and the annalist or historian had an opportunity to gather up the leading facts to spread upon the record for preservation. The conduct of every regiment upon the field was now canvassed; each brigade and division was claiming its own, of the laurels to be awarded the whole army for its obstinate yet unavailing effort to maintain its position upon the Chickamauga; and especially did the conduct of officers of all ranks and grades become the theme of common conversation. – It was most remarkable what a change of feeling had taken place in the army, (perhaps we should confine it to the 2d division), in respect to the General Commanding. At the battle of Stone river, Gen. Rosecrans had shown himself so brave, so determined and resolute, so capable of wringing a victory out of an apparent defeat by a speedy rearrangement of broken and shattered columns, that he at once became immensely popular with the whole of his command. The Summer campaign had added to this already exalted estimation, and when the movement was being carried out that gave us Chattanooga, yes even until the terrible battle upon Dead Man’s river was nearly ended, he was the boast, the pride, the very idol of his grand army. But now, when the smoke and dust of battle had cleared away, when the incidents of that furious conflict were being recounted and reviewed, how was it with our admired, illustrious, and heretofore almost worshiped champion and Commander? Alas! the halo of his glory had wasted away. Few were there who would openly speak in a derogatory or condemntory manner of him or his singular conduct; yet his early return from the battle field to Chattanooga on Sunday afternoon, leaving the whole task of bringing the devoted army out of the awful crisis, and saving it from utter destruction entirely to others, was often mentioned with a shake of his head or a sigh, that expressed all a true soldier would wish his friends and comrades to understand. Yes, Rosecrans had terribly fallen in the estimation of the rank and file of the army. And in the very hour that he was losing his high position in their affection and esteem, the indomitable Gen. Thomas, respected and beloved before on account, of his inflexible resolution, his sublime strength of will and courage, his incomparable ability to meet, check, baffle, and eventually hold at bay a force universaly superior to his own, was securing the eternal gratitude, respect and love of all that remained of the army of the Cumberland, the gratitude, esteem and admiration of all true patriots in the whole nation. The star of Rosecrans’ glory had not set; while the records of the battle fields of Iuka and Stone River remain it can never be entirely obscured. But on that eventful day the star of Gen. Thomas, one of the brightest planets in the military constellation, had beamed forth with such effulance and intensity that all eyes were directed toward it; and when the awful conflict was ended, it was near the zenith, while that of our former favorite was sadly overclouded. As Gen. Rosecrans had lost in the affections of his command, so except in a greater degree had Gen. Thomas gained. And while few true soldiers ever ventured, while in the service, to express fully their sentiments, all seemed to regret the misfortune of our brave and resolute “Old Rosy,” and all were rapturous in their praise, and never wearied in expressing their esteem, affection and admiration for “the hero of Chickamauga.”

[To be Continued.]

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Non-Tax-Paying Bonds.

            The Bushnell Press of the 11th contains a short editorial, with copious extracts from the Carthage Gazette, upon the subject of non tax paying bonds, advocating not only the justice of a discrimination in favor of the rich and opulent as against the poorer and laboring classes, but stretches its conscience enough to insinuate that none but “copper heads” and “traitors” would expect the Government to tax the holders and speculators of those bonds, to the amount of capital they may have therein. Now, the Press ought to know that a very large proportion of those bonds, which he is so desirous of shielding from a direct taxation, are in the hands of army contractors and shoddyites, who lavished thousands of dollars on members of Congress in order to buy enough votes to carry their measure, and secure for them a protection against the excessive taxation caused by the war, and which stared them in face in the event that they invested their means in oil stocks, cotton, or any other commodity. – Although the war afforded them the means of enriching their coffers, and their little sums of gold brought them in close proximity to the United States Treasury, it is a little singular how very thankful “loyal” people generally feel towards them. In the language of another, “Capital did not come to the aid of the government; but in the hour of need, it forced the government to pay usury. But you say that money was necessary; that money must be had or the rebellion triumph. Granted. And it is of that we complain. – The country was in a struggle for its existence, and the men who owned the money took advantage of the government, not for six, or ten, or twenty per cent., but by paying gold they bought the bonds of the government at thirty or forty cents on the dollar, and then made the government pay usury on the whole amount. But, not content with this enormous profit, these money hangers demanded yet more. They forced the government in its hour of need to consent to exempt property, and throw the burthens of the government upon labor. Shoddyites, bankers, capitalists, and the whole routine of money changers have, in an evil hour, succeeded in getting almost exclusive control of the Legislative department of government and that they have succeeded in legalizing a system for shielding their capital from an advalorum tax, can never, we are proud to say, be charged upon a democratic Congress. – Such discrimination in favor of wealth and against labor, belongs, indeed, to an age of “progress” and “freedom, when the enslaved are freed; and the free are enslaved by laws which make the poorer classes bear the brunt of an onorous tax. Admitting that Congress has the right to “borrow money on the credit of the United States,” we still question the justice of a tax which discriminates in favor of the rich as against the poorer and laboring classes. At this time, when the whole country is groaning from the burthens of taxation – and every product is weighed down by a pyramid of taxation – when the farmer is taxed for his sheep, then taxed for their wool, taxed for his land, taxed for what grows thereon, taxed for his own raised food, taxed for his cow, taxed for his grain his cow consumes, and, finally, taxed for the milk which he gets from the cow, and taxed for the butter he gets from the milk it does seem like there was some little cause for complaint in the premises. We want to see a just and equal taxation; and we want no laws which shield capital from a direct tax. Such laws will not only oppress any people, we care not how prosperous they may be, but will eventually force the government to repudiation and bankruptcy.

But our Bushnell neighbor throws himself behind, what he conceives to be, impregnable breastworks, and says:

It is a well settled principle of law that the Constitution and Laws of the United States are paramount to all State Constitutions and State Laws. The Constitution of the United States gives “Congress the right to borrow money on the credit of the United States.” – The Bonds issued is the evidence of a debt created by the exercise of that power, and a tax upon the bonds of the United States would in the language of the Supreme Court of the United States, “be a tax upon the contract subsisting between the Government and individual.” If the State has a power to tax the contracts of the United States, it has the right to destroy them.

He has doubtless been reading Greeley’s Tribune, for we find him sneezing while Greeley pinches snuff. Greeley talks just like the Press – or the Press like Greeley – we don’t know which. Hear what the Tribune says:

“Congress has no more right under the Constitution to allow States to tax National securities than it has to allow them to tax gold and silver coin, or legal tenders, or Government ships and cannon.”

But the Press quotes decisions of Chief Justice Marshal, in order, also, to establish the ipso dixit of Greeley, “That the States have no right to tax ‘National Securities.’” – They wish to hold with an unyielding grasp every cent that the hard-working man may earn, while the legion of “loyal” thieves, who have invested their thousands in these “securities,” must and shall be exempts from a direct tax.

Although a man of “loyal” proclivities, Alexander Hamilton, must have been a stupid fellow, compared with our more modern “loyal” philanthropists, for we find that he differed widely with the editor of the Bushnell paper, as well as the Tribune. Hamilton, perhaps, was not so well learned as Judge Marshall, and others of the latter-day loyal saints, and, so far as his opinions are concerned, we must ask pardon of the Press editor, for re-producing in this progressive age, the idle talk of such an addle-pate as Alexander Hamilton. Here is what he says:

“I am willing here to allow, in its full extent, the justice of the reasoning which requires that the individual States should possess an independent and uncontrollable authority to raise their own revenues for the supply of their own wants. And making this concession, I affirm that (with the sole exception of duties on imports and exports) they would under the plan of the Convention (Constitution) retain that authority in the most absolute and unqualified sense; and that an attempt on the part of the National Government to abridge them in the exercise of it would be a violent assumption of power, unwarranted by any Article or clause in the Constitution.” – Federalist, No. XXXI.

How do our modern diplomatists and unequalled statesmen swallow this dose? Hamilton declares that “an attempt on the part o the National Government to abridge the rights of the States would be a violent assumption of power, unwarranted by any article or clause in the Constitution!” We should call that pretty plain talk on the subject. Hamilton must have rolled that pill expressly for the Bushnell Press and Greeley’s Tribune, for it seems to be a direct refutation of their “one grand political idea.” We forbear further comment, and leave them, for the present, “alone in their glory,” where they may be permitted to digest the opinions of Hamilton at their leisure.

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Mr. Simmons Heard From.

            This gentleman is determined to keep himself before the people, and we are more than anxious to “give him rope,” and hereby tender our facilities for that purpose. Here is his last electioneering document:

Macomb, Ill., Oct. 6, 1865.

            Editor Macomb Eagle: – Sir: In your last issue I notice an article, signed with my initials. You have, of course, a right to publish said article; to say whatever you choose in respect to my political record, but you have no right, Sir, to use my initials for a signature. I care not a straw for your article. – The portion of it quoted from the Journal of three years ago, never gave me a moments uneasiness; but, Sir, when you, or any other man, attaches my signature, or initials to an article of that kind I have a right to demand a public explanation, and shall expect to see it in your next paper. With due respect.

Your Ob’t Serv’t,
L. A. SIMMONS.

            We have no explanation to make in the premises. If Mr. Simmons will take a sober look, and properly adjust his “spectacles,” he will observe that the article in question was a communication to the Eagle. If he wants the name of the author, then he ought to have the politeness to call for it; but, it is simply the hight of folly, not to say impudence, for him “or any other man” to “demand” of a an editor of a newspaper an “explanation” of what publicly appears as “communicated.” We are not enough posted to “explain” only what appears as editorial in this paper, and that we will be prepared to do so [fold] of the Eagle. Again, we will say that, if Mr. Simmons is very badly hurt by the pungency of said article, he ought to be able to find a more plausible excuse, than to rare back on his dignity, and complain because some other man has seen proper to sign “L. A. S.” to an article. That shallow dodge to cover up the Journal’s editorial, will hardly “pan out” in this latitude. We expected to see the loyal candidate twist and swirm, and in this we have not been mistaken. Other men, far better and wiser than him, have signed L. A. S. to their effusions, long before Mr. Simmons made his Middletown speech, and it was considered no great crime. But, in conclusion, we will say to the would be judge, if he really does feel sore over the article, and must have an “explanation,” he can get it. Just send us a written demand for the name of the author of the article in language something like the following, and it shall be forthcoming on “double quick:”

Editor of the Eagle: – An article in your issue of the 14th, has caused me much uneasiness, as it will probably cause my defeat. I have “pistols and coffee for two,” and, Sir, I demand the name of the author, that I may hold him responsible for my defeat in my race for the Judgship. I shall expect you to answer this without delay.

[Sign your name.]

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            → The loyal paper on the other side of the square, last week took up another one of our candidates; and the editor of that sheet unloaded his brain of a little more blustering imagination. He is certainly heavy on candidates, as his onslaught upon Simmons – the leader of his ticket – is about the hardest blow the Republican candidate for Judge has yet received. After calling his own nominees rebels, &c., &c., and proving their faith by their works, he steps over into our ranks long enough to survey the field, and becoming alarmed at the success of the Democracy, he concludes that truth is a bad weapon for him to use in defense of his own party, and thereupon he assails our candidate for Judge, with a batch of blustering falsehoods, which he, with all his stupidity and ignorance, must have known were as false as they are malignant. In speaking of our candidate for Judge, the Journal says:

“Not long ago he was holding forth at a school house near Pennington’s Point, in this county, when some boys of a larger growth, not having that respect for the preacher that perhaps they should have had, tipped over a bench, and one of them was plunged headlong out on the floor. – The preacher paused a moment for fitting words to express himself, and then looking fiercely at the irreverent youth, he exclaimed, “The next plunge you make will be into h – l, and I shan’t care a bit.”

The above is a tissue of falsehoods from beginning to ending, and shows to what the Republican press will resort in order to deceive and mislead the masses. Where they fail to rake up some discreditable act of a Democratic candidate, they even intrude into the church and pulpit, and there, in the sanctity of a christian’s duty, these prowling caluminators are found ready to fabricate out of whole cloth. Mr. Jackson has not, (we are told by reliable men who know of what they speak,) preached at any school house in or near Pennington’s Point for fifteen years, and that not such affair ever occurred there at any time. Being false in every word and syllable, so far as Pennington’s Point is concerned, the probable solution of the affair is that it is false (so far as Mr. Jackson is concerned) at any other point or place.

The above extract from the Journal convinces us of one fact, and that is that Mr. Jackson is a popular man, and one in whom the people have a high regard. When the Journal man is put up to his trumps to hatch up a yarn against a democratic candidate, and, in resorting to falsehood, can make no better display than the above, he, like Othello, must have found his occupation gone. – Shame, on him!

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            → The Smut Machine over the Post Office made a feeble attempt at witticism last week, and in order to get off something bright in the columns of that dark befogged luminary, the quill driver of that delectable sheet, found it necessary to parade his complaint, (as well as several other things belonging to his person), in full view of every reader of this paper. – Now, we have never had any taste for that sort of literature, and if the Smut Machine can make it profitable to its readers to admit such rare jewels of though and diction to appear in the columns of his paper, why, of course it is no body’s business. If those who pay for that paper and read it are desirous of obtaining that style and character of reading for their families, it is certainly none of our business. We will say this much, however, en passant, that while we conduct this paper, it will have a little higher ambition than to intrude such low and contemptible billingsgate before the public. If such literature is in great demand in Macomb and McDonough county, we are perfectly willing to let others supply the trade in that line.

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            → The quill driver of the Smut Machine seems to have a great aversion to Buzzards! It is the nature of that class of birds to live and feast upon carrion, but owing, we presume, to the very bad smell about the carcass of the quill driver, it seems the Buzzards even were too proud to taste of him. We shouldn’t think Buzzards had very much use for such an odiferous carcass as that which sends his papers out to his readers, leaving them unable to read his columns even, without being reminded of a bad odor in that locality.

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            → Remember that the Democratic Party favors EQUAL, JUST TAXATION, and demands that the nabob or contractor who owns a million dollars shall be taxed as well as The Laborer who owns but five hundred.

Remember, too, that the negro equality party favors the erections of a “negro aristocracy” on the graves of the brave men who fell battling for the Union in the later war.

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For the Macomb Eagle,

Political. – No. 3.

            Mr. Editor: – I will now commence this communication where I left off in the last one. After stating that I had in my last attempted to show that the Republican party as a party, were in favor of negro suffrage, I suppose no rational man will attempt to controvert the assertion who respects truth and presents a common amount of intelligence. I will now say that when you look upon the other side of this question you will find a different picture. I cannot commence and enumerate the leading men of the Democratic party and show their position on this question, but will content myself by saying that there is not one among them who is in favor of negro suffrage. The party in every State where conventions have been held have placed themselves upon the record in opposition to it, and they do not stand alone; almost the entire soldiery are opposed to it, and what few exceptions there are, are not sufficient to make mile stones. The leading “Radicals” and all the stay at home “loyal” are for it – the entire Dempcracy amd the soldiery are against it.

Among all the arguments that I have seen in favor of negro suffrage there are but two worthy of notice, and they are urged with a great deal of ability. The first is, that the negro, if he be the owner of property is, under the laws compelled to pay taxes. This is true; and if every one who has to pay taxes ought to have a right to vote, then why not permit every married woman who owns property in her own right, to vote? why not permit every single woman who owns property to vote? why not permit every minor who owns property to vote? I am sure there are but few who will, after reflection, endorse such a loose and miserable declaration; when they reflect upon the consequences arising from such a general principle without exceptions. Such a theory would ignore the qualification of intelligence, virtue and patriotism, and substitute in it’s stead the qualification alone of property; and if that test be applied, it would effect the white and the black man alike; both would have the right of suffrage if they both owned property, and neither would have the right unless he owned property. So this principle would debar the white man from voting when he was not the owner of property subject to taxation. – This is the legitimate consequence arising from such a doctrine, and it is pressed by the same men who a few years since insisted that no white man of foreign birth should be permitted to vote in America. The other reason urged by these men in favor of negro suffrage is that they carried the musket to put down the rebellion. They insist that the rebellion could not have been crushed without the valuable assistance of the negro. This is not the truth, and the whole history of the war stamps it as false. I would like to know what fight they got into and did not run when they had the opportunity of getting away. – What cities did they capture? what battles did they win? and who is the immortal General who led them to victory? Can any one tell? The fact is the negroes were placed in this army, and when placed there it was an error on the part of our Government, and a disgrace to the American people, and will continue to be a disgrace to the American name as long as the fact is remembered. It caused nearly every white soldier to blush with shame for his country, and none hardly were found mean enough to salute an officer in a negro regiment; and why? Because he held in utter contempt both the negro and the commander. Then this being so, who was to blame? Was it not the Government who had called upon the negro – yes, pressed him into service – compelled him to go? Whenever they found a negro in the rebel states he was asked no questions, but drove up, dressed in blue, and put to drilling, and to make his volition complete he was surrounded by bayonets – he was a “volunteer.” He had to do that or bone; it was a pity of the negro. This is the way the negro got into the army, and I guess by general consent he will be mustered out of the service, and none will regret it except the “loyal” and the officers who commanded them. Oh how can the officers part with their respective commands? Won’t it be “hard to give them up?” I almost shed tears when I think how cruel the Government must be to separate them, and yet the decree has gone forth, and lik the decrees of the Medes and Persians, I presume it is irrevokable. If it was an error on the part of our Government to arm and put in the field the negro as a soldier, then all that follows in reference to the right of the negro because of such service falls to the ground – and here is where the great error was committed.

VERITAS.

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Loyalty of the Journal at a Discount –
What the Soldiers have to Say.

            Mr. Editor: – We, the undersigned, while at home in Industry Township in the Spring of 1864, voted the Democratic ticket, as we supposed we had a right to do – our judgement led us to that course. We had volunteered in the summer of A. A. 1861, and were then home on furlough, and for having so voted the Editor of the Macomb Journal published us as returned veteran soldiers of Industry, disgracing ourselves by having voted the “traitor ticket.” Now Mr. Editor, if to vote the Democratic ticket makes traitors of us, we plead guilty to the charge, and glory in our treason; and we will further say that we are now at home again, and if our lives be spared until the November election, we will again vote the Democratic ticket, the white man’s ticket, and no man but a cowardly, lying puppy will charge us with treason. We are for a government controlled by white men, and so is the Democratic party; therefore we vote the white ticket.

THOS. F. PENNINGTON.
A. J. PENNINGTON.
WM. DURHAM.

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Awful, Isn’t it?

            Mr. Editor: – Mr. Simmons in his harangue says that the Democratic legislature refused to allow the soldiers to vote, and that he has stood by and seen Ohio and Iowa soldiers vote when he was denied that privilege. He always fails to tell them that at the late presidential election he was at home and refused to vote for Old Abe. We trust that the next legislature will pass a law allowing him to vote at some point where it would not be known how he would vote.

L.

——————–

Bear it in Mind.

            The organ of the negro worshipping party in Illinois, the Chicago Republican, urges that the success of negro suffrage “eventually is certain;” that recent failures only postpone the day of its triumph; that there must be, “greater union and labor in all the States,” to secure the object proposed.

Thus every success, in every election, will be construed into so much gale for the cause of negro suffrage.

White men of McDonough county remember this when you come to vote. If every success is important to them, so is their defeat important to those who are in favor of a white man’s government. Make their defeat so thorough and complete that it will settle the question of negro voting for this generation at least.

Let us thoroughly defeat this negro-worshipping party who are so anxious to degrade to the level and capacity of negro slaves, our free institutions, made by free white men for white men and their posterity. Let us make the defeat so overwhelming that it will carry consternation in to their ranks.

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